As Wesley Snipes says in Passenger 57, when in a tight spot "always bet on black." Until the past few weeks, Cain's polling average has been somewhere between Jon Huntsman and Ron Paul. Given Cain's recently surging poll numbers, however, it seems Republicans desperate for a contender who isn't Mitt Romney have decided to heed Snipes' advice.
From the standpoint of pure electoral math, Cain has a much better chance of attracting minority votes, particularly among African Americans, that would almost certainly be inaccessible to Perry or Romney. This could prove decisive in close states. As important as this could be in November 2012, though, Cain's race really matters because it positions him to challenge deeply-held dogmas of the American right and the left. This, in turn, points the way toward a new kind of conservativism, decoupled from much of the baggage of conventional Republicanism.
Responding to Harry Belafonte's quip that he is a "bad apple," Cain asked "Okay, what's a good apple? A good apple is a Democrat, a liberal, who shuts up and does what he or she is told and doesn't make waves. That must be a good apple." Implicit in Belafonte's remark is the assumption that good, sensible black people are democrats, while the occasional befuddled/opportunistic black person goes Republican. Democrats support social welfare, empathize with the plight of the working poor, and are the historical defenders of the civil rights movement. As a black American, why would you ever fall out of line? There are good reasons that so many black Americans have internalized this logic: it's an unfortunate paradigm that the right and the left have co-created for decades now. Herman Cain challenges this orthodoxy, shaking up the way Americans think about racial identity and politics. Black Americans and poor Americans can be political conservatives just as much as rich, white Americans. To be conservative doesn't imply that one ignores very real problems of economic disenfranchisement or racial injustice. Rather, to be conservative implies a view of the role of government in meeting our political and economic challenges. Historically, far too many white, Republican leaders have not seemed to care about these challenges or to exhibit the slightest hint of solidarity with millions of Americans who do not share their experience of privilege. As the demographics of this country change, so must the ability of political conservatives to relate authentically and compassionately to non-white Americans. Cain helps get them there.
Perhaps because of his different cultural experiences, Cain falls decidedly outside of what many, particularly in my generation, perceive to be the Republican party's dominate culture of white bread, prickly evangelicalism. Cain's approach to his faith is refreshing: he's been a staunch Christian since he was 10 years old, he says, I just don't wear it "on my forehead." Subtext: I know who I am, and am not going to thump on my bible to convince you all about my Christian bona fides. I grew up listening to Rush the radio and receiving regular Focus on the Family bulletins. Believe me: conservative Christian voters need to be confronted with a candidate who isn't half as tightly-wound as them. Cain's nuanced--some would say muddled--views on abortion, gay rights, and gun control stand to challenge many Republicans with the idea that values voting does not equal political conservatism. In fact, in many instances it is squarely at odds with it.
Of course Cain's value as a presidential candidate far-surpasses his skin color. His record as CEO of Godfather's pizza suggests that, in spite of being a relatively novice politician, he is an effective leader and administrator. And anyone with questions about his conservative credentials or formidable intelligence should watch his exchange with President Clinton in a 1994 Town Hall meeting. Blending his characteristic, plain-spoken style with a meticulous arithmetical precision, Cain effectively highlights how the President's presentation of his universal health care
plan grossly understates its true costs.
Every candidate has his downsides. Conservative primary voters are going to expect a much clearer position from Cain about where he stands on social issues like abortion. In the general election he would have to answer for past statements such as his view that communities have the right to ban mosques (remarks for which he soon after apologized). From an outside observer's perspective, many of Cain's missteps are more characteristic of a political novice from a conservative upbringing who is used to talking off-the-cuff, than they are of a bigot or "flip-flopper." With a bit more polish, as well as a couple convincing explanations, this authenticity could be yet another valuable asset to Cain's candidacy.
Cain is no one's savior. The challenges that America must rise to in the coming years far outstrip the change-making potential of a single presidential administration. He is, however, an authentic, capable leader who challenges our notions of politics as usual. The political right in this country is approaching a split path. One route leads toward a more radicalized, nasty Republican party rooted in a vision of America that is arguably anything but conservative. The other route leads toward a vision of conservative pragmatism, enabling social and economic change through the applied energies of markets and individuals. This kind of conservatism understands that markets aren't infallible and that government is still needed to meet our collective challenges.
I believe that Herman Cain, by virtue of his background and experience as a business leader, is this kind of conservative. Whether leaders like him can gain a leadership foothold in the Republican party may say a lot about the political future of this country.
